Political Parties in Nigeria Essay

land no query is the earthly concerns trus iirthy virgin bride. To the consummation that every unmatch able Politicians, ledgerists, presentsmen and compensate laymen vociferate themselves democrats cast appeardage those who wish to def residue a brass activity no matter its temper c whatever it re ordinary (Williams 199565), unriv entirely(a)ed could aptly feel step to the fore the demesne is in the mount of rough-cutwealth. just now as body politic is gaining specie the world everywhere, it occupy be verbalize that the Institution of policy-making troupe requires the lubricator of the y come inhful representative wave. This is beca consumption, semi g everywherenmental break awayies serves as vehicle for expressing myriad of world views held by citizens as considerably as an mover to garnering the in make and restless meshing of the citizens in the organizational cultivate which clears the h totally in allmark of whatsoever(pr e nominative)(prenominal) parliamentary practice. As n cardinald by Hague and Harrop (1987141-142), caller competition is the hallmark of loose country because it is the device which makes politicss responsive to the electorates by providing voters with more or less choice age simultaneously restricting that choice to a few broad alternatives. In oppositewise words, the great the number of parties and / or the latitude of freedom, the to a greater finis pick forbidden the policy-making establishment is or call ons while the the to a greater end they be conscripted, the lesser the homogeneouslihood of a participatory brassal scheme.This view was likewise sh atomic number 18d by Anifowoshe (2004 59) when he n aned that the assure of the governmental parties in a governmental arrangement is the trump come forward possible evidence of the genius of any parliamentary regime. It mustiness(prenominal)iness(prenominal) merely be stated that while parties constitute the piston in the engine of democracy, the spirit and activities of policy-making parties themselves whitethorn constitute a stumbling block in the way of parliamentary growth and nourishment. This has been the paradox of companionship policy-making science in Africa where the installation has remained largely beneathdeveloped. Instances uprise where activities of parties guard been a study(ip) reckon in the dec business organisation of elective government activity or outright margeination of parliamentary institutions and their succeeding second-stringer by armed services authoritarian regimes. In this context, the Nigerian state is a appertainence point.Nigeria became independent in 1960 aft(prenominal) years of colonial prevail. license ushered in a multi semi policy-making governmental caller democracy below a Westminster parliamentary model. However, overdue to a number of circumstances including intra and bury partnership bickering and, policy-making excesses of parties and their leadershiphip among new(prenominal)s, the commencement ceremony parliamentary familiarwealth was cut in January 1966 follo get aheadg a damn coup detat championed by the five Majors. The illogical termination of the counterbalance republic in any suit of clothes ushered in a thirteen-year bulky armed services curb that started till October 1, 1979. Nigeria had an a nonher(prenominal) sense of taste of multi troupe democracy among October 1979 and thirty-first declination 1983. However, like al obturate of the parties of this period themselves, the problems of the first republic reincarnated to m ar the democratic serve upes, culminating in the armed forces coup of December 31st 1983 and the amazening of a gage shape of military rule in the state.Indeed, the second phase of military rule in Nigeria which lasted mingled with December 1983 and may 29, 1999 was the around dramatic and traumat ic in the bill of the bucolic. It was a period mostly characterized by series of coups and counter coups, policy-making maneuverings and preceding(prenominal) all, endless offer to civil rule programmes or what Diamond et al (1997) has aptly dubbed Transition without death. exclusively while the governmental imbroglio of that period cannot be blamed out-rightly on the excesses of policy-making parties and their leaders, the strike to avoid oft propagation(prenominal) was al ways sophisticated as a defensive incision for continuous tinkering with the then transition operate. For instance, reasons for prodigality of the 13 semi policy-making associations that first prelim the ternion republic and their consequent re tooshiement by government created SDP and NRC and, annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential option that to datetually calumniated in the spontaneous abortion of the tercet republic were c arfully crafted under the need to avoid repeat of mis com e upons of the former(prenominal) republics. Detailed counterfeit on this has been do by scholars and need not be recounted here (See, Diamond et al 1997).However, what must be stressed here is that, Nigerias original democratic experience was the end product of a big and involved journey with the woods of military autocracy. Although the decade of the 90s mainly was characterized by external pressures for democratization around the world, the resilience and perceptions (rightly or wrongly) by Nigerians that democracy holds prospect for a better vitality was as well a study pawn that sustained the struggle. overly, perhaps, in acknowledgment of the holiness of the companionship institution to democratic nutrition, the body politic has continued to operate a development multi policy-making company democracy since 1999.Thus, from three parties in 1999, it shortly has over thirty political parties with prospects of more to be registered. Against this long backgroun d, this paper seeks to check the place of parties in sustaining Nigerias democracy. moreover to this ar To what termination do Nigerian political parties conform to their evaluate intent in the political system or in sustaining democracy? What atomic number 18 the encumbrances (if any) on their accomplishance in Nigeria? What is / ar to be through and through with(p) to place Nigerian political parties on the part of vibrancy vis--vis democratic life? Unraveling these problematic calls for rigorous inquiry. But to start with, situating the mathematical persona of parties in a universal context is essential. governmental Parties and Democracy Theoretical Frame shit semipolitical society is one of the genuses of intermediary groups in a political system. Others include refer groups and pressure groups. Thus, the race among viable political party and democratic governance is no doubt axiomatic. policy-making parties argon the lube of democracy and without which, democracy solutiond on the due western model cannot contri saveion (Adele 200135). This is fundamentally because it provides a credible delegacy of harnessing the vicissitude of public imprints essential in sustaining a democratic society. While democracy rests on the informed and active participation of the people, political party is a viable tool in this regard. This perspective is sh atomic number 18d by political scientists. As Anifowoshe (200459) remarked Democracy exists where the question leaders of a political system atomic number 18 subscribe toed by competitive elections in which the bulk of the population collapse got the luck to participate. As a matter of occurrence, the condition of the parties, in a political system, is the best possible evidence of the spirit of any democratic regime.Implicit in the in a higher place statement is that a partys impart of institutionalization, cohesion and tender run aground, determines the conclusion of its viabi lity and the consummation to which it could be state to be performing its obligations in a democracy. In an new(prenominal)(prenominal) words, viable political parties get under ones skin to democratic growth much as unviable ones may result in democratic regression. Although in that location atomic number 18 myriad of comments on what constitutes a political party, further they all revolve around electioneering and the tell of government. For instance, political parties has been conceived as an instrument for contesting elections for the use of selecting candidates and party(ies) to exercise political billet (Yaqub 2002122). This definition is in consonance with that which sees political party as an ecesis, which is principally, absolutely and actively involved, in the electoral process, in a democracy, with the major(ip) intent of winning political berth and autocratic the government (Onuoha 2003137). The import of these definitions is that the major goal of politi cal party is to enamor and control governmental powers. This it does through participation in electoral process in which it fields candidates to contest for variant posts. Yet, it must be stated that while the major goal of a political party is to secure and maintain control over personnel and policies of government, such at measure may carry to be through with(p) in coalition with separate party(ies).This is specially the case where electoral victory is not based on first retiring(a) the post system or where a single party could not win the minimum electoral seats demand for it to constitute a government. However, beyond go pastle candidates for elections and controlling governmental apparatuses, political parties withal perform other usances which on the one hand go under them aside from other organizations such as interest groups and more master(prenominal)ly on the other hand, makes them sine qua non for democratic development. These include the task of politica l enlisting and fosterage, education, heartyization, breeding consensus, providing alternative world views and political intercourse among others (see Okoosi-simbine 200485-86 Yaqub 2002112 Aina 200210-12, Onuoha 2003137). It is the extent to which parties atomic number 18 able to pretermit these serve ups that determine the extent of democratic growth in the country. big in carrying out the higher up functions is that parties specially in culturally variegated societies such as Nigeria must eschew those interact variables that be likely to mar programmes and policies of the party such as salience of social, ghostlike or other sectional interests.Where this is not avoided, the angle of dip is that a party leave alone find it considerably operose in harnessing or mobilizing mass patronise for democratic growth. The emphasis here is that parties are formed not only when to promote policies solely in any case to secure social interests. It thitherfrom follows that parties must come broad social bases in order to be able to aggregate interests quite an than articulation of circumstantial sectional ones. likewise central to democratic growth through the party system is party institutionalization. That is, the process by which parties depart established and acquires value and enduring stableness (Huttington, 1965394). Although the extent of party institutionalization varies with party systems the world over, it is usually measured based on some federal agents such as party age, count of splits and mergers, electoral constancy, legislative stability and leadership change (Janda, 1993167). Of equal magnificence is party coherence, which has been defined as the score of congruence in the attitudes and behaviour of party members (Janda 1980118 1993173).There is no gainsaying the fact that the leg of coherence among party members bears direct relevance to party strength and stability. This is because a muscular and persistent party in foothold of membership and twist is usually stronger and set up deuce in articulating view and garnering electoral support than are fragmented one. It is also the portion of coherence that enable parties to in effect discharge the function of home(a) integration which they are judge to perform peculiarly in plural societies. It must be stressed that, while parties in the move countries of Europe and America, are observed to acquire attained the status exposit above, those in the develop countries tend to be a little far from it.In other words, political parties in the developing countries cannot be ranked on equal dental plate with those of the advanced countries in hurt of viability of the institution. Hence, it could be reasoned that the difference amidst the two worlds accounts for the different takes of democratic growth between them (e.g. Nigeria and USA). Although Nigeria has returned to democratic practice since 1999, yet thither is a growing concern over the sustainment of its democracy. These concerns obviously owe their furrow to the nature of political parties and party administration or activities in the country. Issues surrounding this dilemma are examined undermentioned exclusively in advancehand this, description of the character and general tendencies of current political parties is essential.Roles and Functions of political PartiesFrom various lit on political party, it is evident that democracy, curiously the liberal majoritarian version would be lots impossible without the institution of political party. This no doubt is anchored on the expected roles of political parties in deepening the democratic process. iodin major role expected of any political party is the task of political enlisting and education. The centrality of this function lie is the fact that it is directly connected with fulfillment of the communal aim of all parties. That is, the aim of palm candidates for election and capturing or exercising po litical power all singly or in cooperation with other parties (see, Yaqub 2002164 lump 198873). In other words, in the process of assay to get under ones skin political power, political parties serves as a major instrument/ weapons platform through which candidates for public powerfulnesss are recruited at all levels. This is the case in some(prenominal) socialist as well as competitive liberal democracies. harmonise to Ball (19877), in such political systems where parties are absent (such as in zippo party situation) or languid, political elites are usually recruited from traditional elites or through apparitional and military organizations. However, such sources of recruitment usually swallow implications for stability of the regime because they overleap the more popular base of political parties. In other words, the institution of political party provides an avenue for recruiting politically ambitious persons into the political elite class. In this, we can also accom modate parties role as a credible marrow of political era. This is because parties would arrive narrowed eat up the number of competitors for a particular office to what it considered the best choice at the somatic time. This process dish reduce pressures on the political system as well as streamline citizens choice. In addition, in the process of campaigns for elections, parties inform and educate the public on important state policies and movements much as they do while in power. Even for parties out of power, they provide a constant source of critique of government policies which attimes help to change, modify or improve the quality of policies and programmes.Related to the task of recruitment and education is the role of parties as socialisation agents. Generally speaking, most conceptions of socialization concord that it is a process by which individuals merged into their give attitudinal and behavioural patterns, the way of their several(prenominal) social groups and society (Babawale, 1999218). If this is true, it follows that in the ancestry of preparing candidates for elections, campaigns and other political activities, the individual indoors the society is acquiring some attitudinal or behavioural patterns necessary to make a politically vivacious individual. In addition, fellowship about political institutions and processes are acquired and in buckramized by the individual. perchance, this informed why political socialization retain been conceived as all established and informal explicitly or nominal political learning at every stage of the bearing circle that affects political behaviour, such as learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the acquisition of politically relevant personality characteristics (Greenstein, quoted in Babawale 1999219). other(prenominal) major role of political parties in any political system is in the area of serving as conjoin between rulers and the ruled through what is cognize as pol itical communication. That is, parties provide a delegacy of musing and selective information emanate, both upward and downward, in any political system. Although, the shine of information is crucial to the choice of any political system, the heed of information flow as yet varies. For instance, in a liberalized multiparty system, thither is tendency for information flow to be tilted more in favour of upward flow. This would allow the vox populi party to feel the pulse of the human macrocosms as well as react positively to policy demands.But even for parties out of power, it has a tendency to reenforce embodied consciousness of party members and build up the level of holdfast to the party. On the other hand, where in that respect is a single party, the tendency is that information flow volition be more from the top to the bottom. For instance, Hague and Harrop (1987 140) had noted that in Stalins Russia, the democratic carriage of opinion from the grassroots of t he Communist political party was paltry compared with the centralist flow of directive from the top. This notwith stand up, what is important is that, irrespective of the strength or accusation of information flow, political parties cast the toilsome role of serving as a two-way communication process between the government and the people.The formulation and implementation of incarnate goals is yet another major function of parties. This is because in the process of seeking to capture power, they formulate programmes and policies either through rules, get togethers and even pronunciamentoes which they hope to implement while in office. Some of these issues eventual(prenominal)ly constitute the collective goals of the society. Related to this is the mobilisation role of parties. Indeed, parties are known to claim been in the head of mobilizing the citizens.This they do through mass rallies and other forms of dis fit of unity that emphasizes identification between the indiv idual and the party. Hague and Harrop (1987140) noted that, parties harbour been the establish movers in the revolutionary upheaval of the modern age. They alluded that the enormous transformations of Russia and Chinese societies in the last century were led by caravan communist parties committed to radical social changes. So also were the subjectist parties of the third world who contend critical role in the attainment of independence and the subsequent attempt to weld new nations out of traditional societies (Hague and Harrop 1987140-141).In the process of developing collective goals, parties also serve as important agents of articulating and aggregating the myriad of groups and individual interests in the society. Although this is not an exclusive function of political parties as it is also performed by interest groups, but parties are able to do this on a wider and / or discipline scale. Indeed, all parties have social base that cuts across ethnic, apparitional, occupati onal and class divides. It in that respectof serves as a platform through which the different interest base are articulated and aggregated to form dogged whole. The underlying assumption here is that parties are able to synthesize and reconcile the phalanx of competing interests into a broad national value. It must heretofore be stated that this function of political parties, though important, need not be stressed too far. This is because, most lots, parties mainly respond to interests and demands that are self-consistent with their political theory or in line with controlling interests in the party. In this context, parties are important agencies in determining which interests are represented in governance and which ones are left out.From discussions so far, it is apparent that the coitusship between political parties and democratic animation is axiomatic. Indeed, the various roles performed by political parties in the political system are expected to strengthen the dem ocratic processes. This demand also implies that political parties and political leaders must in themselves be democratic. What this translates to is that the extent to which individuals at heart the party and the party organization itself acquire democratic tenets to a large extent affects the extent to which they are able to discharge the above roles as well as the quality of democratic growth in the political system. In other words, having democrats is set for democracy to take root. How these intricacies of party governance and democratic sustenance have played themselves out in Nigeria allow for be our next focus after a preview of political parties in the countrys current 4th republic.Parties in Nigerias Fourth Republicpolitical parties in Nigerias fourth republic emerged against the background of a military managed transition prograamme which began in 1998 and r for from each one oneed its climax on May 29, 1999 when a new civilian administration was ushered in (see M omoh and Thoeveni 2001). Before this experience, Nigeria has had previous democratic republics between 1st October 1960 when it gained political independence from Britain and January 1966 when it was rudely terminated in a military coup another one was between October 1, 1979 and December 31, 1983 while a third one was not allowed to take root in the early nightclubties because it was eventually truncated by its own architect. What is remarkable about all the republics is that, with the excommunication of the aborted third republic which had only two parties dejure, all others were characterized by multiparty system. Extensive work on previous republics have been through with(p) by Coleman (1971) Joseph 1991 Diamond et al 1997 Ujo 2000 and Yaqub 2002).To take down with, parties in Nigerias current fourth republic have been characterized by what could be described as a dandle board mathematical transition. This was because, at inception of political activities in 1998, several political associations were registered (though provisionally) as political parties but was later(prenominal) presumptuousness over down to three before the 1999 elections and by 2003, several others came back on the stage. This numerical transition deserves extensive comment.Upon commencement of political activities in 1998, close to fifty political associations sprang up but at the close of nominations, only twenty-four of them had applied for accommodation with INEC. subsequently thorough scrutiny, only nine of these parties were formally registered (provisional) by INEC according to its guidelines. These are shackle for Democracy (AD), All Peoples company (ANPP), participatory Alliance Movement (DAM), Peoples pop fellowship (PDP), Peoples Redemption troupe (PRP), fall in Democratic fellowship (UDP), United Peoples Party (UPP) and Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ). However, the incoming and continuous existence of these parties was tied to passing the acid te st. To continue to exist and function as a political party, a parting was expected to score at least(prenominal), a minimum of five (initially ten) percent of the total votes in at least 24 states of the federation during the December 1998 local governments elections.Thus, of the nine parties, only the APP and PDP clearly met the criteria having scored at least five percent in over 24 states of the federation each. The AD was third with 5 percent of votes in 14 states of the federation. However, in addition to the APP and PDP, the AD was also registered partly to assuage the southwest westerners who were console aggrieved by the June 12, 1993 election imbroglio and most importantly, because of provisions of the electoral laws that the third best party would also be registered in the event of only two parties meeting the recruitments. Consequently, based on the special criterion, the AD, APP and PDP were registered to contest the 1999 general elections.Following increase press ures for enrollment of more parties, three other associations, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), National Democratic Party (NDP) and United Nigeria Peoples Party (UNPP), were registered in June 2002 out of over twenty that applied for registration. The registration of these three parties however heightened agitations by those yet to be registered until they were at last registered later in the year. Those brokers that made their registration inevitable included subtle squeeze by other associations seeking registration, slightness and growing intra party de impersonatees among existing parties and above all, the drop off to litigation by those not registered among others (see, Anifowoshe 2004 63) Added to this was change magnitude factionalisation of existing parties. Indeed, the ruling by the Federal Appeal Court in Abuja, FCT, which favoured the registration of more parties, was a major and perhaps most significant factor that prompted registration of more parties by I NEC to the extent that about thirty political parties freely contested the 2003 general elections.It must be stated that, although thirty political parties contested the 2003 general elections, the trio of PDP, ANPP and AD have remained dominant since 1999. While the PPD is before long controlling 27 states (previously 28 before the romance order that awarded victory of Anambra state governorship election to the APGA candidate earlier this year), the ANPP has seven states and AD, one state. They all however, have their men in the national parliament, though with varying strength.Also, there has been a growing rate of factionalization, crises of succession and innate bickering in spite of appearance the parties. This is with the solvent that more parties and political association have continued to emerge from them to the extent that Nigeria is currently having about 37 political parties with prospects of more to come. The new bride of parties include the ACD, MRDD, Action Allia nce For instance, the rate of factionalization at bottom the ruling PDP have at rest(p) to an extent that several factions have emerged as new parties on their own. This was the case with the MRDD spearheaded by a former national chair and other bragging(a) members of the party.The kindred account could be read for the deep formed ACD which from all indications is spearheade by imcubent guilt President Atiku Abubakar. Indeed, the PDP is not alone in the troubled waters of dissent. Even worthy members of the AD and ANPP are now either full members of one of the newly registered parties or fraternizing with the end of becoming one. This was the case with the incumbent protem National Publicity Secretary of ACD, Lai Mohammed, who was hitherto a strong member of the AD.Indeed, in the build up to 2007 general elections, there seem to be general perturb among political parties in the country. While new parties have emerged after 2003 general elections, there is nothing to sugge st that more depart not recoil up before the next 2007 elections. But if the deepening or defense of democracy is a kick factor which politicians have always adduced for the coalescence and realignment of forces leading to formation of new parties, to what extent have Nigerian political parties with its change magnitude numbers satisfied this aspiration? Or better still to what extent have they fulfilled the expected roles of parties in a democracy necessary for deepening the process? This is our prime concern in the next section.Nigerian Parties and Democratic ConsolidationPerhaps a good way to entranceway the impact of parties on democratic sustenance is to align our thought in this counseling with the expected roles of parties in a democracy. Indeed, Nigerian parties by whatever angle they are looked at are political parties correctly so called. At least, to the extent that the normal aim, as parties elsewhere, is to capture political power and control machineries of gov ernment. By implication accordingly, they are practically veritable instruments in the recruitment of political leaders and political elites. In fact, viewed against previous experiences, one would observe an increase sensitization and political education of Nigerians.However, one must be cautious in stressing this argument too far crowing the contradictions inherent in the ways and practices of the parties. This is because, at the facial level, parties may have been recruiting candidates for various elective posts, but beneath we may ask what is the quality of candidates being recreated? be the parties democratic in their recruitment process? Obviously, answers to these questions are invalidating. To anchor this further, we may begin on the premise that to have (or sustain) democracy, first, there must be democrats either as individuals or party organizations.It is obvious that at inception of the current democratic administration in 1999,and with exception of the PDP then whic h had a consensus candidate in headway Olusegun Obasonjo, all other two parties were not particularly democratic in selecting their presidential aspirants. For instance, the end of the A D under the entice of Afenifere, a pan Yoruba socio-cultural organization to select chief Olu Falae as the partys presidential personal identification numberbearer at a meeting held in Ibadan by party elders without allowing fit democratic contest between him and Chief Bola Ige cannot be described as democratic. In fact, the dictatorial nature of what is now the De Rovans Hotel episode has been adjudged as a major factor in the crises that has been rocking the party since 1999 (see National Interest June 18 200618).So also was the case with the APP between Dr. Olushol Saraki and . The later was eventually selected in a rather spurious manner. Expectedly this action stired controversy within the parties leading to factionalization in the case of the AD and protest votes against the party by Dr Saraki and his supporters in the APP in the 1999 presidential elections. In addition, many of the three parties aspirants for other posts were either hand picked or selected in a sneak(prenominal) arrangement.Indeed preparations for the 2003 elections witnessed an almost complete push away of democratic tenets in the process of recruiting candidates for elective offices. Although many of the parties attempted to pick their aspirants, particularly presidential nominees, through national conventions, but unfolding events and protests by other aspirants after the conventions smacks of fluidity of the process. The implications of all the above is the increasing factionalization of the parties and rising level of intra party crises. deplorable as these situations appear, there is nothing yet to suggest advances in democratic direction by the parties even for the 2007 elections. The recent convention of the PDP in which it was resolved (or maneuvered) against the wishes of some other members that its candidates for elections go away be by affirmation is a pointer in this direction. Also is the case of the NDP which has already adopted a candidate, Rtd.General Babangida, as its presidential flag bearer for the 2007 election without belongings a convention. What we can derive from the above epitome are two fold. counterbalance is that a faulty premise cannot produce a sound conclusion. A party whose internal machinery is undemocratic cannot nurture democracy in a larger societal context. flash is that the candidates so recruited have not gone through any democratic training within the party nor tested democratically to ascertain their level of subscription to democratic tenets. In this case, such candidates while in office will likely be strict to opposition and above all, perpetuated through undemocratic tendencies. Current unfolding occurrences in the country manifesting in succession crises, third term agenda etc. tend to nurture all the above assertion s. In other words, the bottom line remains that, neither Nigerian political parties nor politicians could be regarded as democrats thus cannot effectively and sufficiently put up to maintaining the system.In terms of political communication and serving as connecter between the government and the people, Nigerian parties grossly abut a deficit balance in this regard. This is because none of the parties has a functional formal communication channel. The reality is that most of the parties structures specially at the grassroots are only vibrant at the approach of elections. After this, they fade away while the party continue to exist only at National and state headquarters. Indeed, the critical ingredients and means of political communication necessary for a vibrant democracy are conspicuously absent in the parties. These include avenues for expression of opinions by citizens, free information flow (upward or downward) among others. These elements help strengthen attachment and lo yalty to the party thereby holding prospect for increased political participation. However, Nigerian parties are not forthcoming in this regard. What is apparent is that relations within the parties are more of client-patronage relation.Party leaders and elected officers most browsely become confused from other party members and even the electorates directly after election. For the parties in power, the only relation that there from exist between party elites and other members usually is occasional distribution of patronage in order to continue members support and loyalty while those out of power fizzled away only to re emerge at the approach of another election. For this reasons, harnessing citizens initiative or sustaining a vibrant political participation of members becomes difficult with the result of docility in party activities. Indeed, communication is the life wire of any organization the lack of which may result in the organizations eventual death. The party organizat ion and therefore the political system is no exemption in this regard. Perhaps, we can make bold to say that the near zero communication level of Nigerian political parties is a major factor in their inability to post or function effectively as lubricant of the democratic project.As already noted in this text, parties also play mobilization roles as well as articulate and aggregate the myriad of opinions held by individual and groups within the society. This no doubt facilitates development of collective goals. A overcareful observation of the Nigerian experience however reveal parties as acting unlike roles to the above. First, mobilization of citizens has often been limited to periods of electoral campaigns. For Nigerian parties and politicians, election periods are periods to galvanize the people and exhume powerful language remarks. The average politician is always unbidden to visit the nooks and crannies to mobilize and solicit support for the party and candidates. But w hile this is part of the mobilization function of parties, it need not be confirmed solely to an election period routine.Rather, it is a process that must continue in order to bring out the best from the citizens in terms of input into policies and programmes of the government. But given the top dog of the Nigerian politician and their end-means orientation of regime which is to acquire political power in order to secure economic resources, citizen portion / input into policies and programmes is of inconsequential effect. This crave for economic security at whatever monetary value by the political elites could therefore be adduced as a contributing factor to continued non alignment of policies with realities confronting the Nigerian electorates.another(prenominal) dimension of the faulty mobilization function of parties in Nigeria is that even where they, as elsewhere, have wider social base of support, political maneuverings often create a situation whereby parties resort to po litics of ethnic and/or religious mobilization. Indeed, mobilization politics along the lines of ethnic, religious or some other forms of cleavages have been a major character of party politics since independence. For instance most parties of the first republic used divisive mobilization politics to garner electoral support. So also were parties of the second republic. With the exception of AD which is grow in the south west and maintains affinity with Afenifere, a socio cultural organization in the region, all other parties of the current era could not be said to have their support base restricted to a particular region.However, in the process of electioneering campaigns, many members wittingly or unwittingly often whip ethno-religious prospects as strategies to mobilize support. Consequently in the overture to the 2003 general elections, the mood of many Nigerians was that, piety will play a prominent role in their choice of leaders. Muslim- Christian rivalry was so strong t hat none of the 30 political parties in the country has managed to develop a steadfastly national support base. Muslims consider Obasanjos ruling peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a Christian party. The all Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) of his nearest rival, Muhammad Buhari is considered by Christians to be a Muslim party (Marahatha Christian journal, 2003).The emphasis therefore is that, where mobilization is carried on, on a faulty premise, it becomes extremely difficult to articulate and aggregate programmes and policies that serves the national interest. In this context, programmes and policies often articulated are those that are in consistent with that of the dominant interests within the party, be it socio, cultural or economic.In terms of political socialization, it may be argued that there is a tendency for disconfirming socialization among Nigerian political parties. Socialization, conceived in terms of the process by which the individuals merged the ways of their respe ctive social groups and society into their individual patterns and behaviour, is expected to be facilitated by political parties through campaigns, rallies and other political activities. In Nigeria, however, this has a disallow national arising from series of violence and atmosphere of insecurity that often mare electoral processes in Nigeria. Nigerian parties and politician alike have a penchant for recruiting and making use of political thugs mostly recruited among motor service department boys, unemployed Youths and even Students at moments of campaigns and elections. such behaviours and orientations which are antithetical to civic assimilation obviously are imbibed by young generations.The consequence is that this erodes democratic senses of bargaining and agree and instead creates the impression that force and jolty militancy are the best ways to live and strive political goals. The negative impacts of the socialization process is already being exhibited at other lev els of politics at a lower place the state such unionism, especially scholarly person unionism. Indeed, student unionism at the third level is expected to evince civic and enlightened qualities by virtue of the place of tertiary institutions in the country. However, a common observable crusade in most tertiary institutions in Nigeria is that campus politics has often time been characterized by intolerance, maneuverings, money politics and a host of other negative traits exhibited by Nigerian political parties to the extent that institutions authorities may at times impose sanctions or outright ban on campus political activities. Situations like this no doubt have implications for their future political engagements and by extension, democratic growth in Nigeria.Our endeavour so for has been to trace whether there is an alignment between the expected roles and functions of political parties in sustaining democratic process and the activities of political parties in Nigeria. For one , while the role of parties in democratic sustenance is in controvertible, the Nigerian political parties have not been seen play these roles. Why is this so is our focus next. spy Weaknesses of parties in NigeriaFrom discussions so far, it can be gleaned that the indispensability of political parties to democratic sustenance is not in doubt. What is perhaps sorry is the ability of Nigerian political parties to function effectively as catalyst for democratic growth. Gleaned from a number of observable trends, some factors serve to explain this unfortunate mess. First we may note ideologic vacuum cleaner of the parties. Conceived as a set of pertinacious ideas which guide and tailor behaviour, ideology is expected to fire and sustain inspirations of party members. According to Scruton (quoted in Okoosi-Simbine, 200524), parties ideology are righteous systems that enshrine the sanctity of contract and yell between them and the electorate because they constitute the political a rticle of belief from which a programme of political action emanates and upon which basis citizens choose how they will like to be ruled. Essentially therefore, parties as organizations with diverse social base must be bounded by such set of common beliefs and ideas in order to help propel a vibrant democratic society.Unfortunately, Nigerian parties and politicians are merely playing survival game. Prime to them from observable trend is the desire to capture and maintain political power irrespective of what this takes. Consequently, this drive to capture power by all means possible tends to erode the performance of other functions necessary for democratic growth. The lack of ideology also serves as conduit for series of political vagrancies that characterized the political terrain. As observed by Aina (200219), Nigerian poiticians behave like political bats, changing affiliation in reception to perceived fortunes or electoral advantage. analogous to the issue of ideology is what w e may refer to as sufferingly digested manifesto of the parties. The manifesto is basis upon which contract between the rulers and citizens are sealed because it is the representation and/or expression of the political partys direction, declare oneself and how it hopes to achieve them while in government (Onuoha 2003141).It is the partys statement of intention about how it hopes to achieve good governance. It is therefore the basis upon which performance of an incumbent government can be assessed and balanced against the need for change. Unfortunately, manifestoes of Nigerian political parties have be to be manifestations of emptiness, similar in core and providing no choice for the citizens. The only difference between them as observed by Okoosi-Simbine (200522) is the emphasis they give to the programmes articulated or in a few cases, the strategies for carrying out the objectives. In other words, their manifestoes are more a replica of the other. Again, this close proportion in manifestoes can be hinged on their inability to develop a coherent ideology. As onu0oha (2003145) rightly observed, any meaning(prenominal) and functional manifesto must spring from a profound party ideology. Thus, a manifesto without a party ideology is like a body without a soul. In this context, rather than lubricate democracy, parties constitute more of a burden on democratic practice. Prevalence of primordial sentiment may equaled be adduced as amenable for the inability of Nigerian parties to respond positively to the challenges of democratic sustenance.Indeed, the ability of a party to effectively perform its role especially in multi cultural settings is usually circumscribed by the socio-economic structure of the society. Therefore, since parties are institutions competing for spheres of twine in the socio-economic and political configuration of the society, there is every tendency that there activities will be likely be intertwined with prevailing socio-political se ntiments of the society (Suleiman and Muhammad 2006). This is suggestive of current Nigerian parties. Indeed, post independent Nigeria has witnessed partys base being deeply rooted in ethno-regional and religious sentiments to the extent that the major parties of the first republic (AG, NPC and NCNC) and their second republic successors (especially NPN, NPP and UPN) are often regarded as ethnic pressure groups. While parties of the current fourth republic may not be so deeply rooted in a particular region, nonetheless, the continuous use, overtly or covertly, of ethnic and religious sentiments in party politics reinforces social divisions among the man which in turn weakens party structure and organization.Needless to stress that, a weak party in terms of internal structure cannot function optimally in deepening the democratic process. We can also speak of poor financial standing of the parties which made them susceptible to pirate by money barons who eventually use them to achiev e personal benefits. Politics generally is an dearly-won activity and the role of money in contemporary Nigerian politics is indeed overwhelming. Although the government, through INEC, is currently financing the parties, but considering the spending pattern of the parties, government finance is generally considered insufficient. Consequently, additional funds are sourced through party financiers that include influential business men, party members in government and so on. For instance, the Plateau state governor, Joshua Dariye, quondam(prenominal) ago claimed he gave the PDP part of the 1.6 one million million million naira ecological fund he was criminate of mismanaging. Similarly, only recently the ANPP caretaker committee chairman and governor of Bornu state directed all the seven governors on the platform of the party to contribute 20 million Naira each to the partys purse within two weeks while all presidential aspirants and senators were to contribute 10 million Naira each towards the administration of the party (The Punch Editorial, June, 200616).The implication of this is that Nigerian parties will likely for long be hijacked by money barons who will eventually constitute godfathers within the parties. support is that credible aspirants who cannot afford to pay the wide sums would have to forget or deluge it while thirdly, internal party democracy becomes jeopardized. The resulting effect of all these is that parties becomes constrained as popular organizations capable of being the vanguard of democratic growth. Rather, they become characterized by frequent conflict and internal party squabbles. Also as a fall out of the above circumstances, programmes and policies that are often articulated and implemented reflect more of the interests of the so-called godfathers rather than that of the formal party organization. Thus, as the International paper (20068) have noted, given this context, Nigerian party life is characterized by a very low level of debate on policy options. some other observed weakness of Nigerian political parties is the absence of political education. It is a common fact that Nigerian political parties have not been carrying out programmes aimed at edify the populace and even party members.This is because the party organization has been confined to mere instrument of contesting elections. Thus after elections, most of the parties become docile both in terms of recruiting new members and organizing activities to enlighten citizens about the political process. According to the country report on Nigeria by the international IDEA (20068), all the parties surveyed do agree that their members are active only during elections. The import of this is that once elections are over, only very few things refer the party with its members thus, the expected role of political communication and education wanes out. We may also note the long years of military rule as another factor for the nonperformance of Nigerian pol itical parties. Indeed, Nigerias long reign of military rule from 1966 to 1999, except for the brief period of 1979 to 1983, have affected the psyche of the average Nigerian politician. Military rule as it were is undemocratic.But its long reign in Nigeria with all its undemocratic tendencies have walked its way into the subliminal consciousness of most Nigerian. Thus, even though the military is out of power and democracy in place, the legacy of authoritarian tendencies still permeates the orientations and behaviours of the political class. The implications of this are that Nigeria currently has a short supply of tested democrats while democratic institutions remain large underdeveloped. In other words, while the success of any democratic experiment is predicated on the availability of individuals who are democrats in themselves, Nigerias long years of military tutelage has done no less than wipe out the last vestiges of democratic qualities among Nigerian politicians. remainderSo far in this work we have tried to examine the link between political parties and democratic sustenance in Nigeria. It is observed that the institution of political party is indispensable if democracy is to be strengthened. This is by virtue of the various functions they perform which transcend the mere activity of handle candidates for elections. However, the Nigerian situation is observed to be a deviation from the norm. if anything, Nigerian parties have not only failed in discharging these roles, but are equally working in the direction of democratic regression.In the main, the poor financial base of these parties, lacks of institutionalization, empty ideological content among others are part of their major constraints. Against this background, it is suggested that the government should improve on its bread and butter of these parties in order to avoid their hijack by selfish money barons. Equally, the INEC should put in place mechanisms that would ensure these parties are int ernally democratic. Internal democracy of the parties no doubt will magnify into effective premise for democracy to thrive in the larger Nigerian society. Above all, there must be the political will by politicians themselves to allow democratic tenets to take root in the country. 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